Germany attacked Poland on
September 1, 1939, and the United States began to expand its armed forces and
build defense plants and shipyards in preparation for war. On September
16, 1940, the Selective Service Act became law, and along with young men from
all parts of the nation, the young men at the Sanders mill villages began to
march off to war, singing the popular song "I'll be back in a year little
darling." Other village men took defense jobs in shipyards at nearby New
Orleans, Mobile, and Pascagoula. Still others moved to higher paying
railroad jobs at McComb, Meridian, Jackson, Vicksburg, and Memphis.
The mass exodus at Magnolia was
initially offset, in a small way, by the arrival of several families displaced
by the Winona mill fire in 1940. Some of the family heads included Clark
Brooks, John Collier, Printiss Collier, Earl Hunsinger, Larry Clough, Ernest E.
Strickland, Lester (Monk) Strickland, Clarence Davis, Ike Tindel, Culpert (Cup)
Ivy, Charles Edwards, James (Jake) Thomas, and Everett Lishman. Two years
later the nearby McComb mill closed, providing several more experienced textile
workers. By this time, labor was in short supply, and Sanders initiated
free bus service at his mills; at Magnolia, Selma Lamkin was employed as bus
driver, to transport workers to and from McComb. The fortuitous influx of
experienced mill workers from Winona and McComb provided relief, but it was
evident that the never-ending line of job applicants was gone for at least the
duration of the war.
With the
coming of World War II, the Mississippi textile industry and the Sanders cotton
mills in paticular began to change at a rapid pace. Workers were no longer
tied to the mill, and those who chose to stay, were protected by the Fair Labor
and Standards Act of 1938 (FLSA) which established a minimum wage of forty cents
per hour (later changed to forty-five cents) to be achieved through gradual
steps by October 1945, and a standard forty-hour work week by October
1942.
Before the war, the 1938
wage and hour law had been a panacea for workers at the several Sanders mills,
but with the war the protective laws were of less importance. Mill workers
were suddenly in great demand as the military, defense plants, shipyards, and
railroads began to compete for manpower and offer alternatives to the
mill. For the first time, Sanders Indutries was confronted with a
diminishing labor force in the face of a booming economy. It could no
longer openly complain about the minimum wage and forty-hour week law; but on
the contrary, it would not only honor the new law but would have to make other
concessions to attract and maintain an adequate labor supply. For example,
in addition to free bus transportation, improvements would be made to village
houses.
Along with the
critical labor shortage, the war suddenly and unexpectedly thrust enormous
production demands upon the American cotton textile industry, including Sanders
Industries. Because of the war, England and Japan were no longer producing
cloth for international trade, and suddenly the United States "was almost the
sole supplier of textiles for the world." Aside from the civilian needs,
the quantity of cotton material needed by the military was staggering, cloth for
uniforms, bed sheets, tents, and parachutes for both American and Allied armies
were but a few of the many items. The industry responded by establishing
all time production records which, according to Mildred Gwin Andrews, was "one
of the most remarkable feats in American industrial history." With
11,000,000 fewer spindles than World War I, the textile industry in World War II
"handled 900,000 bales of cotton per month against 500,000 bales in the first
war."
Like most American
textile mills, Sanders Industries contributed to the common cause by running all
of its mills twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week. But at the height
of increased production demands Sanders, unlike most Southern mill owners,
continued to pay the legal minimum wage which ranged from forty to forty-five
cents per hour during the war years. Because of the low wages, Sanders
mills had difficulty attracting new employees, forcing the mills to struggle
shorthanded and resort to overtime to keep jobs running. The overtime pay
benefited the workers who were physically able and willing to "double over" by
working two consecutive shifts, but it failed to make up for the low pay.
The younger workers could move to higher paying defense and railroad jobs, but
many of the older workers were caught in a web. With no special skills
useful in other industries, most had little choice but to stay in the mill
regardless of the pay.
Early
in the 1940s, Sanders Indus-tries could no longer ignore the poor condition of
most of its mill villages and it implemented upgrading programs at Magnolia,
Kosciusko, Starkville, and West Point. At Magnolia, for example, a program
was initiated to upgrade the village houses with a coat of paint and some minor
repairs. A crew of painters, headed by John Case, was employed full time
to paint the houses; the same colors were used throughout the village as the
exterior walls were sprayed with white paint and the porch floors brush painted
with gray. Carpenters, including Wilbur Quinn, Charles and Otto McDaniel,
were employed to make minor repairs to the older houses, and near the end of the
war, construct sev-eral new four-room houses. The new houses had inside
plumbing, and for the first time some of the village houses had inside plumbing,
and later in the forties, all houses were piped for natural gas.
At Magnolia, there was excitement in
the air as the painters moved from house to house with their spray guns,
painting village houses for the first time in almost a quarter of a
century. Then, in the late forties, the installation of natural gas was
greeted with even greater enthusiasm. Louise Rushing, a resident of
several decades, jokingly but proudly boasted, "Now, I'm cooking with
gas." Many young boys were thrilled because gas meant an end to the
dreaded job of chopping wood for the fireplace and kitchen stove.
The paint, repairs, and gas
represented a giant step forward for the village people. But, there was
more; in the mid-forties mail delivery came to the village, and in the late
forties, the telephone. By the end of the forties, the village was finally
taking on the appearance of a middle-class community. Similar programs were
implemented at Kosciusko, Starkville, and West Point.
The upgrading programs, however, came late and
lagged far behind the elaborate programs in the Piedmont states. Beginning
in the 1930s, mills in those states developed modern villages with well-kept
homes, landscaped grounds, paved streets, and sidewalks which gave the
communities a look of prosperity. Some had elaborate community centers
with swimming pools, theaters, bowling alleys, pool tables, skating rinks,
basketball facilities, and at least one had a golf course. Speaking of the
trend, Mildred Andrews notes in her book, The Men and The Mills, that:
Owners of mills and their villages
started installing indoor
water and plumbing in each home, replacing the one water spigot per block and the backyard
privy.... Electricity, as it
was installed in the mills, was added to village houses to replace the kerosene
lamps. ...The mill community,
if it borders a town, is a welcome adjunct to the corporate community.
Its well kept streets and
homes give an additional appearance of prosperity to a town.
Sanders Industries never approached that level of social consciousness
at any time at any of its mill villages; it instead simply applied a coat of
paint and made some minor repairs to the village houses. It is worth
noting that the non-Sanders mill at Stonewall--Mississippi's only surviving
cotton mill-- upgraded its village in the 1930s, and it continues to be a
modern, well-maintained, and attractive mill town.
On August 15, 1945, World war II ended, and
after the excitement subsided, Magnolia village men, who had served in the
military services, began to come home. Four young men, however, had died
in the service: James Robinson, Frank Dykes, James Earl Davis, and Charles
Edwards. An air of euphoria greeted the returning veterans, no longer just
mill workers but heroes of a sort. They included James Alford, Clifton Lamkin, Charles Brooks, Ellis Vann, Thomas Fancher, Jewel Rushing, John Will
Vann Buskirk, William Sullivan, William McCaskill, Ollie McCaskill, Cecil
Foster, Archie Kuyrkendall, R. L. Kuyrkendall, Clemon Bates, Halbert Chanell,
Fred Sullivan, Wilfred Case, Betrand Pugh, Paul Case, Robert Case, Laverne Case,
Houston Parker, Hubert Parker, Wilbur Logan, Robert Lucas, Robert Goff, James
Lea, William (Billy) Phurrough, and James (Jake) Thomas. Others returned
from defense jobs, including James Rushing, Roy Skipper, Leaton Randall, Felix
Foreman, Clarence Davis, and J. E. Hamilton. Like other Mississippians,
servicemen and defense workers from the village had seen for the first time a
world of prosperity, and they returned with a new vision and hope for the
future.
After World War II,
the military service continued to be a vehicle for escape
for young village boys. Most entered the Army, Air Force, Navy, or Marines
straight out of high school and, as events turned out, those who entered the
military service in the late forties and early fifties found themselves caught
up in the Korean War. The Magnolia group included the writer, Robert
Pezant, James Alton Rushing, Herbert Randall, Marvin Randall, Paul Pezant, Pat
Fuller, Trelles Case, Robert Sullivam, Charles Robinson, Pete Hamilton, Stanley
Strickland, William (Billy) Parker, Willie (Billy) Collins, Robert (Bobby)
Martin, Benny Channel, Robert Lamkin, James Sullivan, Cecil Case, R. Gene Davis,
Arlen Rushing, Brady Brooks, J. W. Brooks, Peyton Dickinson, Cliftin Laddel
(Billy) Anderson, Charles Davis, and Othaman (Man) Fuller. The Kosciusko
group included Bennie Ivey, Frank Shaw, James Chisam, James Booth, Jimmie
Fields, along with many others. That war too took its toll as two of the
Magnolia young men died in the service, Robert (Bobby) Martin and Willie (Billy)
Collins.
Many of the village
veterans and defense workers returned to the mill, but it was temporary for
most. With the aid of the G. I. Bill of Rights, some pursued college
degrees, while others received technical training at nearby Southwest
Mississippi Junior College at Summit, Mississippi. Several became
educators, some established successful businesses, and a few became corporate
executives.
Actually, the
quest for more education began very early in the forties. After the war
started, the practice of Magnolia village children automatically taking mill
jobs at age sixteen stopped as more and more chose to finish high school and
attend college. Some of the early 1940s high school graduates were Bernice
Rushing, Virgie Fuller, Mildred Foreman, Clemon Bates, Geneva Channell, Brice
McComb, Jewel Case, William McCaskill, Opal Toney, Made-line McCaskill, Albert
McComb, Ollie McCaskill, James Earl Davis, Eva Rushing, Shirley Kuyrkendall,
Mary Bell Van Buskirk, Georgia Mae Van Buskirk, James Robinson, Laverne Case,
Ethelene Chanell, Fred Sullivan, Norma Chadwich, Halbert Chanell, and Janelle
Taylor. There were probably others. A few worked part time at night in the
mill while attending school, but by the end of the war, most young people
concentrated on education and viewed the Sanders mill as a place for summer or
temporary employment only. Very few, if any, saw it as a career; they were
instead determined not to be tied to the mill for life.
World War II and the 1940s, as most historians
agree, brought much of Mississippi into the mainstream by introducing its people
to the outside world and prosperity. The village people at each mill town,
along with the local country people and town people, were among those who
benefited. They had all struggled together through the depression and war
years, and they had all changed together as they adopted a new vision of
prosperity. By the end of the war, the Sanders mills and villages did not
fit into their new vision.
Mill owners in the Piedmont regions of the Carolinas and Georgia had upgraded
their wage scales and village houses to meet the competition and changing
times. Sanders Industries had fallen behind; it had continued to pay the
minimum wage and provide shoddy housing through most of the war years,
particularly the village housing at the small towns of Kosciusko, Mag- nolia,
and West Point. Its generosity stopped at providing each village household
with a turkey for Thanksgiving and a bag of fruit for Christmas, but it was too
little, too late. By the time the upgrading programs were initiated near
the end of the war, Sanders Industries had lost considerable control over its
labor force, and eventually, had difficulty attracting an adequate and
dependable labor supply at any of its mills.
Other major problems confronted the Southern
textile in- dustry, including Sanders Industries, after the war. Most of
the machinery had operated for six years, almost non-stop, and was worn
out. It needed to be replaced with more modern equipment and, in fact,
retooling was essential in order to compete with new equipment being installed
in Europe under the Marshall Plan and in Japan under the Supreme Command of
Allied Powers.
Modernization
was costly, in fact staggering. Historian Mildred Andrews estimates that
the industry spent, within five years after the war, more than one billion
dollars on modernization, renovation, and expansion. In addition, the
American textile industry was no longer the sole producer of textile goods, for
large textile establishments in Europe and Japan began to enter the
international marketplace. Japan's quick re-entry, with the latest in
modern machinery, dashed the hopes of the Southern textile industry. As
noted by Patrick Hearden, Southerners looked forward to a revived export trade in
the postwar years as predictions abounded that
it would be a long time before
the destroyed Japanese cotton industry could fully recover. Yet, to the
surprise of many, Japan
doubled its spindle capacity between 1946 and 1951 by installing the most modern equipment.
As a result, southern textile
exports declined again, and Japanese imports into the United States steadily
increased.
Coincident with the
Japanese industry gaining strength, the Mississippi textile industry, including
Sanders Industries and the Magnolia mill, found itself in a loosing struggle for
survival. In 1945 the Sanders mill at Meridian was closed, and in 1952,
the Alden Spinning Mill at Meridian went under. By this time, the
Mississippi cotton textile industry was reduced to six mills; four operated by
Sanders and two nonSanders mills at Laurel and Stonewall. The four Sanders
mills included Magnolia Textiles, J. W. Sanders Mills at Starkville, Aponaug
Mill No. 1 at Kosciusko, and Aponaug Mill No. 2 at West Point.
Early in 1953 Sanders closed its Winona
Chenille Plant and rumors began to circulate that the Magnolia mill was a
candidate to be either sold or closed. The rumors were reinforced by the
arrival of Paul Swink, who suddenly came in at a level over Superintendent
Claude McDade and assumed the management of the mill. Swink immediately
initiated cost cutting measures, including workload increases reminiscent of the
stretch-out sy- stem during the Depression year, causing workers to compare him
with G. M. Tidwell of that period. Johnnie Carl Rushing, a doffer, recalls
that his workload was doubled, and that being unable to handle the increased
workload, he was forced to resign. He pleaded for other work, spinning,
fixing, or sweeping, but Swink insisted that he "handle both jobs or
quit." The coup de grace came when he was denied unemployment benefits on
the strength of Swink's statement that he had refused work available to
him.
By this time, the workers
suspected that the rumors were true--the end was near. The dreaded news
came on August 27, 1953, when Robert Sanders announced that on doctors orders he
was disposing of some of his holdings. He said, "I am cutting my business
down to my size, although I have no plans to retire fully at the present
time." Meeting with O. W. Phillips, the Magnolia mayor, in his office,
Sanders indicated that two plants were to be sold, the Magnolia Textile Mill at
Magnolia and the Aponaugh Manufacturing Company at Kosciusko. His other
enterprises, he said, would continue to operate.
Mayor Phillips called on C. K. Taylor, who had
acted as agent in selling the Magnolia mill on three occasions, to as- sist in
finding a buyer who would be willing to keep the mill open. Before a buyer
was found, Sanders closed the mill in September 1953, exactly fifty years after
it opened in 1903. Efforts to find a buyer willing to reopen the Magnolia
mill were unsuccessful. Near the end of September, the Magnolia Gazette
reported that the Sanders plants at Magnolia, Starkville, Kosciusko, and West
Point were sold to R. E. Dumas Milner, a Jackson business man and industrialist,
in one of the largest commercial deals in the history of Mississippi.
According to the Gazette: The
machinery and inventories of the four plants, Magnolia, Kosciusko, Starkville and West Point,
includes around 550,000 square
feet in buildings, 350 houses, about 500 acres of land other than several million dollars worth of machinery and equipment.
Rather than the Magnolia and Kosciusko mills only, Sanders had
disposed of all of his cotton mills.
The Gazette speculated that the Magnolia mill
would re- open, but that was not to be the case. The Starkville mill
operated under new owners until 1962, but the Sanders mills at Kosciusko,
Magnolia, and West Point remained closed. In January 1954, the 350 village
houses at Kosciusko, Magnolia, Starkville, and West Point were sold to a real
estate and land company. The machinery was sold and removed, and
eventually most of the brick buildings were dismantled and removed. Then,
on September 25, 1954, Robert Sanders died in Kosciusko, and, ironically, after
suffering a heart attack while attending a conference with local business
leaders regarding the possible reopening of the Kosciusko
mill.
Most of the Mississippi cotton textile
industry died in 1953 with the closing of the Sanders mills. Only three
mills remained open; the Laurel mill survived until 1955, the Starkville mill
until 1962, and today the only cotton manufacturing plant in the state is the
Stonewall Cotton Mill. Fortunately by 1953, Mississippi had finally begun
to move toward industrialization, and, as indicated earlier, most former mill
workers had moved on to higher paying jobs in industry, education, health care,
and some were on their way to becoming successful businessmen, corporate
executives, educators, and farmers.
The Industrial Revolution of the South, led by
the southward movement of cotton textile mills beginning in 1880, never really
reached Mississippi. While cotton textile manufacturing in Mississippi was
extensive, it fell short of igniting an industrial revolution, but James Wesson,
Captain William Oliver, T. L. Wainwright, James Sanders, Robert Sanders, C. K.
Taylor, and a few other mill owners and executives must be given credit for
paving the way for the industrialization that finally came with World War II and
the 1940s.
James Sanders and
his son, Robert, accumulated their conglomerate of Mississippi cotton textile
mills and kept indus- try alive during the difficult years of the 1920s and
1930s. Although the Sanders moved the state closer to industrialization,
they also contributed to the demise of the Mississippi cotton textile industry
which, in turn, prevented or retarded potential growth in related
industries. While other factors may have contributed to the failure,
Sanders clearly failed to change with the times and upgrade their mills,
villages, and pay scale and, as a result, could no longer compete and attract a
dependable supply of labor. C. K. Taylor, reminiscing in 1968 about the
Sanders cotton mills, noted:
When he [Robert Sanders] died all his mills in the state
were closed and sold to 'undertakers' who
attempted to sell them.
The mill here [Magnolia] had one of the best locations I've ever seen for getting together a
hard working, harmonious
crew. But I guess Mississippi just didn't get into the textile industry deeply enough to
make it last.
It was an appropriate eulogy for the Mississippi cotton textile
industry, delivered by one of its most devoted and knowledgeable
promoters.
The dazzling
success of the textile industry in the Piedmont states, along with the
continuing success of the Stonewall Cotton mill, suggests that the state could
have done better. Mississippi's failure to develop the industry obvisouly
benefited the Piedmont states, particularly North Carolina and South Carolina
where the textile industry continued to dominate the manufacturing base in those
states. As late as 1970, textiles in South Carolina accounted for "57
percent of all manufacturing jobs" in the state, and a decade later in North
Carolina, "despite the growth in other industries, the industry still provided
over 30 percent of all manufacturing jobs in the state." Mississippi's
Stonewall mill, at the time of this writing, is undergoing another major
expansion program and the mill town has the appearance of a prosperous
middle-class community.
Ironically, the failure of Sanders Industries may have benefited its mill
workers. Like most Mississippians, Sanders mill workers did change with
the times; they tasted prosperity, liked it, and were determined to move to
better things. As an example, with the closing of the Magnolia mill, a few
of the workers remained in the area to find a better life, and a few moved on to
cotton mills as far away as Sand Springs, Oklahoma and McKinney, Texas.
But, as indicated earlier, most moved on to higher paying jobs in industry,
education, health care, and
agriculture; several became
educators, some established successful businesses, others established successful
farms, and a few became corporate executives. Similar accomplishments were
repeated by former Sanders mill workers at Kosciusko, Meridian, Starkville, and
West Point.
Their successes
were substantial and proved that, after all, the village people as a group were
typical of Mississippians in general; there was little difference between their
background, customs, and education and that of the average farmer, mechanic,
policeman, teacher, storekeeper, and other Mississippians. They had all
lived together during the same hard times, the same good times, in the same
general environment, and most shared the same advantages and the same
disadvantages. There should have been no surprises; their successes were
predictable.
At Magnolia, the
little Nazarene Church, like the village people, persevered through it
all. Sixty-seven five years af- ter the arrival in 1931 of the two
Nazarene evangelists, Miss Dell Smith and Miss Jonnie Dance, it continues to
hold services on the corner of First and Price Streets. Every two years it
sponsors a reunion, and former village people come from far and wide to see old
friends and reminisce about the good times. For many of the old timers, it
borders on being a pilgrimage: they all agree that, after all, it was a "good
life tempered with a bit of hard times to build character."
At Kosciusko, a similar reunion is held
annually for its former mill workers.
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Lamar, L. Q. C. Papers. Mississippi State Department of Archives and History. Jackson, Miss.
Long, Charles Phillip. "A Short Description of the Tornato of April 5th, 1936." N.P. Copy held by Lee County Library,
Pike County (Miss.) Land Conveyance Records, Book 38: 479; Book 41: 362; Book 43: 466, 592; Book 54: 255; Book 60: 111, 278; Book 75: 573. Magnolia, Miss.
Starkville Cotton District Papers. Papers compiled and held by Judy Jacobson, Curator of Oktibbeha Heritage Museum, Starkville, Miss.
Strickland, Narvell. "A History of Mississippi Cotton Mills and the Sanders Magnolia Mill Village." Master's thesis, Southeastern Louisiana University, 1995. Copy held by Mississippi Department of Archives and History, Jackson, Ms and many public libraries in the state.
Stonewall Cotton Mill. "Stonewall Plant History,
1868 to 1976." N.p. Prepared and held by the Stonewall
Cotton
Mill. Stonewall, Miss.
Taylor, C. K. Papers. Compiled and held by Dorrit Varnado, Taylor's daughter, of Magnolia, Miss.
Wesson Cotton Mill Papers. Papers compiled and held by Elene Hutson of Wesson Library. Wesson, Miss.
Works Projects Administration. Mississippi: a Guide to the Magnolia State. The Federal Writers' Project of the Federal Works Agency. New York: Hastings House, 1938.
______________. Mississippi, Attala County, The
Federal Writers' Project of the Federal Works Agency.
Microfilm
copy held by the Mississippi Department of
Archives and History at Jackson, Miss.
______________. Mississippi. Lownes County, The Federal Writers' Project of the Federal Works Agency. Microfilm copy held by the Mississippi Department of Archives and History at Jackson, Miss.
___
___________
______________. Mississippi. Montgomery County, The
Federal Writers' Project of the Federal Works Agency.
Microfilm copy held by the Mississippi Department of
Archives and History at Jackson, Miss.
______________. Mississippi, Pike County. The
Federal Writers' Project of the Federal Works Agency.
Microfilm copy held by the Mississippi Department of
Archives and History at Jackson, Miss.
NEWSPAPERS
Copiah County Mississippi Courier, 14 June 1989.
Jackson Clarion-Ledger. 5 September 1883.
Jackson Mississippian. 22 December 1848, 8 June 1849.
Kosciusko Star Herald. 30 September 1954.
Magnolia Gazette. 8, 15, 20 September 1932; 13, 20,
27 September 1934; 27 August, 1 October 1953; 14 January
1954; 23 May 1968.
McComb Enterprise. 4, 14, 27 September 1934.
McComb Journal. 20 September 1932; 7, 14, 21, 28 September 1934.
Meridian Star. 8 May 1960
Mississippi Planter and Mechanic. May 258.
Raynond Hinds County Gazette.
19 November 1856.
Starkville East Mississippi Press. 1 November 1901.
Starkville Daily News. 20 June 1995.
Tupelo Daily Journal. 1 October 1936; 10, 12, 16, 18, 30 March 1937; 8, 9, 10, 16, 23 April 1937.
Vicksburg Whig. 13 September 1855; 22, 25 January, 19 September, 7 October 1856; 28 November 1857; 17 March, 6 October 1858.
Wesson Enterprise. 1 Febuary 1952; 5 June 1964.
West Point Daily Times, Centennial Edition, 11 July 1958.
Woodville Republican. 9 July 1850; 8 April
1851.
GENERAL REFERENCES
Biographical and Historical Memoirs of Mississippi, 2 vols. Chicago: The Goodspeed Publishing Company, 1891.
Blue Book Textile Directory. New York. 1909-1910.
Columbus (Miss.) Commercial Magazine. 1902. Copy available at Lownes County Library System, Columbus, Miss.
Columbus Dispatch Pictorial and Industrial Edition.
August 1905. Copy available at Lownes County Library
System, Columbus, Miss.
Cotton Fabrics Glossary. New York: Frank
P. Bennet & Co., 1914.
Directory Southern Cotton Mills, 1907 ed. Atlanta: Industrial Press, 1907.
Kosciusko-Attala County Historical Society. "Kosciusko-Attala History." Published by Kosciusko Star Herald, 1976. Copy held by Mid-Mississippi Regional Library at Kosciusko, Miss.
Linton, George E. The Modern Textile Dictionary. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1963.
Malone, Dumas, ed. Dictionary of American Biography, Vol. 8. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1935.
Man-Made Textile Encyclopedia. J. J. Press, ed. New York: Textile Book Publishers, 1959.
McComb Directory, 1924-1925. Published by McComb Chamber of Commerce. Copy held by McComb, Mississippi Public Library.
Meridian City Directory, 1873. Published by Meridian Chamber of Commerce. Copy held by Regional Library and Archives at Meridian, Miss.
Meridian Library-Archives. A booklet, "Metroplis of the South- West." N.p. 1888. Copy held by Regional Library and Archives at Meridian, Miss.
Mississippi A. & M. College, Catalog Bulletin 1904-05. Copy held by Starkville, Mississippi Public Library.
Mississippi Official and Statistical Register, 1904.
National Cyclopedia of American Biography. "Robert David Sanders."
Wingate, Dr. Isabel B. Fairchild's Dictionary of Textiles. New York: Fairchild Publishers, 1967.
PERSONAL INTERVIEWS
Anderson, O. L. Jr. interview by author, McComb, Ms. 21 August 1994.
Bridges, Evelyn (Rushing). interview by author. Kentwood, La. 21 August 1993.
Burdine, Estelle (Myers). interview by author. Kosciusko, Miss. 18 June 1995.
Case, Trellis, Ph.D. interview by author. Magnolia, Miss. 21 August 1993.
Case, Doris (Pugh). interview by author. Magnolia, Miss. 15 September 1994.
Chadwick, George. interview by author. Magnolia, Miss. 1 September 1994.
Chadwick, Ella (Pugh). interview by author. Magnolia, Miss. 1 September 1994.
Compton, Guy. interview by author. Magnolia, Miss. 24 August 1994.
Daugherty, Bernice (Rushing). interview by author. Murphy, N.C., 20 July 1994.
Davis, R. Gene. telephone interview by author. Cleveland, Tenn. 28 January 1995.
Goff, Pearl (Myers). interview by author. Starkville, Miss., 18 June 1995.
Phurrough, William. interview by author. Hammond, La. 21 August 1994.
Hardin, Fred. interview by author. Magnolia, Miss. 24 August 1994.
Herring, J. W. interview by author. Gluckstadt, Miss. 21 June 1995.
Hyde, Ethel Mae (Dickinson). telephone interview by author. Kentwood, La. 20 September 1994.
Jones, Frank. interview by author. McComb, Miss. 9 June 1994.
Lea, Alton. interview by author. Magnolia, Miss. 5 October 1994.
Rushing, Susie (Counsell). interview by author. Kentwood La, 11 August 1994.
Rushing, James. interview by author. Magnolia, Miss. 19 August 1993.
Rushing, Jewel. interview by author. McComb, Miss. 21 August 1993.
Rushing, Jewell (Ellzey). telephone interview by author. Opelika, Ala. 29 May 1994.
Rushing, Johnnie Carl. interview by author. Magnolia, Miss. 29 August 1994.
Shaw, Frank Sr. interview by author. Kosciusko, Miss. 21 June 1995.
Simmons, Beula Mae (Bird). interview by author. Magnolia, Miss. 19 August 1993.
Smith, Cathrine (McDaniel). interview by author. Magnolia, Miss. 29 August 1994.
Smith, Paul. interview by author. McComb, Miss. 8 June 1994.
Strickland, Betty (Shaw). interview by author. Magnolia, Miss. 21 August 1993.
Strickland, Ruby (Herring). interview by author. Clovis, N. M. 4 November 1993.
Strickland, Ernest Jr. interview by author. North Webster, Ind. 23 November 1994.
Sterling, Thelma (Grafton). interview by author. Magnolia, Miss. 8 June 1994.
Sullivan, Robert. interview by author. Hammond, La. 12 December 1993.
Sullivan, Willa Dean. interview by author. Hammond, La. 12 December 1993.
Wilkerson, Inez (Strickland). interview by author.
Long View, Texas. 30 July 1994.
VITA
Narvell Strickland was born
in Tupelo, Mississippi and has personal knowledge of the Mississippi textile
industry, growing up on mill villages at Tupelo, Winona, Kosciusko, Meridian,
and Magnolia in the late thirties and early forties. He received a
Bachelor of Arts degree in Political Science from Roosevelt University in
Chicago, a Masters of Arts degree in History at Southeastern Louisiana
University, and a J.D. Degree in Law from combined studies of four years at John
Marshall College of Law in Chicago and one year at Northwestern California
University.
Mr. Strickland was Director of Labor Relations
for the Illinois Central in Chicago from 1957 to 1971; he was then appointed
General Manager in New York, Eastern Sales, by the railroad and remained in that
position until he retired. In August 1994, he was appointed by the
National Mediation Board to its list of Labor Arbitrators and Mediators.
He is listed in "Who's Who in American Railroading, 1982" and has been an active
member of several transportation, industry, and trade
organizations.
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